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STRAY BULLET

HOW TO RIG ELECTION SUCCESSFULLY IN NIGERIA – THE ANAMBRA EXAMPLE

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Donald Duke (Fmr Cross Rivers State Governor)

“…The truth is, the Chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission has little or no bearing on the success of elections, that’s the truth. To me, it’s actually immaterial because he is head of the administration he takes the brunt. The best he can do is perhaps, draw up a blueprint but the implementation of that blueprint is outside his control…Let me now take you through the process of an election.
We have a hundred and twenty thousand booths in Nigeria. At the hierarchy, you have the Chairman of INEC, then you have the Zonal Commissioners, then you have the Resident Electoral Commissioners and they are the heads in every State; the Zone as the name implies; we have six Zones in Nigeria, so you have six of them. Then you have the Resident Electoral Commissioners and there are thirty-six of them of course, and Abuja. Then for each Local Government, you have an electoral officer. Beyond that you have a hundred and twenty thousand polling booths, headed by Presiding Officers. The people think that at the end of the elections, the PDP would just decide who wins and who doesn’t and announces the results. I think the process is a bit more sophisticated than that. 
This is what happens; the Resident Electoral Commissioner is usually from another State. The electoral officers, they move around. They are usually from that State, but for the conduct of elections itself, you would probably move from Cross River to Akwa Ibom or to Abia…When the Resident Electoral Commissioner comes before the elections are conducted- of course when he comes to the State, usually, he has no accommodation; monies have not been released for the running or conduct of the elections and all that because we always start late. He pays a courtesy call on the Governor. It’s usually a televised event you know, and of course he says all the right things. ‘Your Excellency, I am here to ensure that we have free and fair elections and I will require your support.’ 
Now, at that courtesy call, most Governors, at least I did, will invite the Commissioner of Police because he is part of the action and he sits there.
After the courtesy call, the Resident Electoral Commissioner now moves in for a one-on-one with the Governor and then says, “Your Excellency, since I came, I’ve been staying in this hotel, there is no accommodation for me and even my vehicle is broken down and the last Commissioner didn’t leave the vehicle, so if you could help me settle down quickly;’ and the Governor says, ‘Chief of Staff, where is the Chief of Staff here?’ And the Chief of Staff appears. Governor says: ‘Please ensure that the REC is accommodated–put him in the Presidential lodge, allot two cars to him, I give you seven days to get this done. Then the relationship has started; I am going to share some of these things with you so that we don’t leave here with any illusions…Let me take you down to what happens so that you can change it because if you don’t change it, we here won’t suffer but I think of our children will. 
We the elite, I am one of them, we send our kids to the best schools around the World, when they come back they are misfits, they cannot fit in and so ultimately we are designing a System that would destroy us in the end…Now, back to the elections, once that relationship has been established between the Governor and the REC, if you are a Governor who is ‘A Governor’, maybe two nights after you just pop by at the Governors lodge and see the REC and say ah, ‘ah REC how are you doing? Are you OK?’ He says, ‘ah! Your Chief of Staff has been wonderful. He has been very nice to me; he supplied me the vehicles and everything is Ok’. 
A few weeks to the elections, the REC sees the Governor; you probably have on the average about three thousand five hundred, four thousand depending on the polling booths in every State. So, REC goes to the Governor and says, ‘Your Excellency, could you please give us the names of about four, five thousand people so that we can hurriedly train them, we need them as Presiding Officers.’ You need experience. A good coach is one who has played and has lost matches in the past?
The REC now goes down and says, ‘we need to conduct a training programme for the Presiding Officers and em, headquarters hasn’t sent us any money yet, you know.’ And the Governor is like: ‘How much would that cost?’ 
REC replies: ‘twenty five million naira for the first batch, we may have about three batches.’ Governor: ‘Ok, the Chief of Staff will see you.’ Now, the Chief of Staff, you call him: ‘Make sure, that we arrange twenty five million naira this week and in two weeks time another twenty five million naira and seventy five million naira in all.’ 
Chief of Staff: ‘Your Excellency, how do we do it?’
Governor: ‘Put it under Security Vote.’ 
In other words, its cash, ok, now, cash in huge Ghana Must Go bags – some of my colleagues will shoot me- (turns to the audience) is any former Governor here? (Crowd replies no!)
Good. Cash is lodged in huge Ghana Must Go Bags for the REC and of course, to be fair to them, they call their electoral officers and say the Governor has been very benevolent; he has given us this and that. I say three batches because they have them in Senatorial districts. So, you have one in Calabar, you have One in Ikom and Ogoja, those are the headquarters of the Senatorial districts. Each one costs twenty-five million. Of course, the sums are not properly retired. I don’t know how much of this twenty-five million worked. But, there is a rapport this is going on.
The Governor now turns round and says: ‘call me the Party Chairman.’  The Party Chairman appears and the Governor says: ‘INEC requires fifty thousand people for conducting the elections. See to it that we meet their needs.’ The Chairman goes and you hear in the evening on radio and television: There will be an urgent meeting of all Chairmen and secretaries of XYZ Party at the headquarters. They should report promptly at 10am (because) matters of urgent interest will be discussed. End of announcement.
Now we have texts messages, so it’s easier, in no time everyone is here.
It’s a very short meeting, please go back and within forty-eight hours, submit from each Local Government two hundred and fifty names of trusted Party members. So in a week the deed is done. The names, sometimes even passport photographs if required are sent to INEC. 
And the training programme is carried out. Let me pause a bit, this is at Party level. They are usually civil servants. They may be teachers, whatever, but they are Party members. The remuneration, for each of them for the elections from Abuja is ten thousand naira for the day’s work. But the State in its benevolence gives fifty to one hundred thousand naira to each of these folks right before this election.
This is even where it gets even more interesting. So, you have each of the three or four thousand polling booths; they are manned by Party stalwarts. They are usually Party stalwarts. You don’t send any peripheral member. The remuneration from Abuja has not arrived but that of the State was received forty-eight hours prior.
On the day of elections, each polling booth has no more than five hundred ballot papers; that is standard.
There is not a polling booth that is more than five hundred. So only two hundred people appear here, three hundred there, one hundred there, fifty there, four hundred there, at the end of election what happens. The Presiding Officer sits down and calls a few guys and says, ‘hey, there are a few hundred papers here, let’s thumbprint. This is the real election. Well, this is not a PDP thing. I am not here to castigate the PDP; it’s a Nigerian thing. This process may sound comical and jovial, it happens throughout the country, whether it’s Action Congress or APGA it’s the same thing. We are all the same. They start thumb-printing, some are overzealous. So at the end of the day you find some voting more than the number of people that were registered to vote. 
Otherwise they do it, you have ninety-five percent turnout.  You start wondering where the voters were; I didn’t see so many people. And the election results are announced; XYZ Party wins and it takes a week for this paltry ten thousand naira for each Presiding Officer to arrive.
Listen to this before you ask your question: Who is the most important person in an election? – The Presiding Officer. And if there are a hundred and twenty thousand of them (booths) there are a hundred and twenty thousand Presiding Officers, they are the most important people in the elections, not the Chairman. 
So, as long as we keep applying that same method, you will get the same results. It’s crazy to think that because you substitute Iwu for Jega all will change. In other words, Iwu is a crook, Jega is a saint.  Jega is great, he has an impeccable reputation. Iwu was great, now he seems not so great. OK, they are both professors, they have reached the peak of whatever discipline that they profess. The point is that it is the System and the personnel and the Chairman has little or no control over that…Sometimes, we behave as if we invented democracy. We always want to draw new rules. We should know the day of elections. It should be fixed. We should know that on so and so date I think, America is the 4th of November or so and if it falls on a Sunday it doesn’t make a difference. The point I am making here is that date is fixed, you know; because in a democracy, election should be a norm, not an event. In our democracy, election is an event. It’s like, we are going to spring on to you with fireworks, hey, we are going to have an election, we are all running around- I know most politicians are broke right now, so we are all running around the field…In a democracy, you postpone an election? You postpone things you didn’t plan for, not things that are there in the Constitution that says you must do this, that and that…We need a critical mass of Nigerians to get out and vote. It is important because the more ballot papers that are legitimately used on Election Day, the fewer available to be used to rig the vote, that’s the truth. Don’t keep to yourself and think that they will announce results. They are more sophisticated than that. And that’s why the aspirants who felt cheated and had the resources to employ forensic personnel, like those elections had the elections upturned in Edo and Ondo, because they could establish multiple voting by thumbprint.
So, if it’s an AC State the procedure is the same.  I remember a State, that State will remain nameless. I hear the story that the then President was so determined that he must change the leadership of this State and he called the IG and said, ‘look, that Governor is a security breach. Let’s have elections and flush the Governor out, and the Governor knows he is under siege. A week before the elections, a new police Commissioner arrives. And you know if you are a Governor and a new Police Commissioner arrives before elections, you know something is wrong somewhere and he spends two, three days without going to see the Governor, which is again a breach of protocol.  The day he decides to see the Governor, the Governor says, I won’t be at the office. However, if he gives him a particular address they may discuss. Then the chap goes there and smartly salutes and it’s in a highbrow neighbourhood of the city. (Shouts of Ikoyi rent the air.) ‘No! It’s Yobe!’ (The hall explodes in loud laughter).
The Commissioner of Police walks up to the Governor and smartly salutes and says: ‘Your Excellency, I just came to introduce myself. My name is Mr. So, so and so. And the Governor goes: ‘Ah, you are welcome. I heard you were here two or three days ago and I was wondering whether I won’t see you. Anyway, you are welcome. Have you settled down?’ ‘Yes I’ve been given accommodation and all that. And the Governor asks, ‘where was your last posting?’ He tells him, he says fine.
Governor: ‘That car over there, this is the key and this is your house.
The Commissioner of Police now says: ‘Your Excellency, this Obasanjo is a very bad man. He is a very, very bad man. If you see all the things he has planned for you eh Olorun maje.’
How do we move on? How do we get out of here? What I have done is I’ve tried graphically to paint a picture of a process. How do we change this process?
One, I think, since we cannot change attitudes as quickly, we must ensure mass participation. In an election where there is a very high turnout, the results are usually genuine. The most celebrated election in Nigeria, June 12, 1993 what happened? People came out. The more people who come out to vote the fewer–there may be mago, mago here and there but there wouldn’t be much in such a critical manner to upset the will of the people. Beyond that, if you don’t vote in an election, you have no reason to criticize the Government and I tell folks everywhere that guys, I would say, I have lived my life. You guys have not and you are all criticizing Nigeria but did you vote in the last election? Most of them say no then I say, you’ve lost the moral right to criticize what the Government does because you were not part of the process.
Is there a way out? I think there is. I think we need to employ technology. It’s just a suggestion and I want to share with you. I have said this in one or two fora and I’ve heard people say it has not been done in America or the West why should we do it here? I say they don’t have the attitude we have here.  Necessity is the mother of invention. It is not necessary for us to do what I’m about to suggest.
For the purposes of this, 3455, this number is for a phone and that number is unique to you and valid for that election or the set of elections. And each Party has a numerical equivalent. AC could be 1, the PDP could be 5, and the Labour Party could be 3, whatever. And on the date of elections you decide that your number even if you don’t have a phone, you can go to a centre where they have a bank of phones and once you put in your number 3455 it recognizes you, it cannot be duplicated. It’s only you that has that number and for that election on that date, once it’s used it cannot be used by anyone else.  Then you can do this one from your house or anywhere, and any time between the hours of nine to twelve. When it says which Party, you say 3 or 4 whatever the number, they ask you, ‘are you sure you say Yes’. You press it then you’ve voted. With that, I think we can conduct election but people say ah, it’s to technological and I say, why do you always underestimate the people in the rural areas? If you send them money this way, won’t they be able to cash it? Why is it that when it is to conduct their civic responsibilities it becomes high tech?  I know this country, I ran a State for eight years; I know the nooks and crannies of my State. We are not the most enlightened of States in the country, but you see, I had a deal with MTN and Glo to ensure that every community in Cross River State has a base station; for that I gave them sites free of charge; so, virtually every nook and cranny of Cross River has a base station; even the most rural of places; even in Bakassi when we still had control of it, and they all use it. They still use it to call their folks in the urban centres to say send us money. 
Why is that when it comes to civic responsibility it is high tech?…
I am not saying this is a perfect System, it can be fine-tuned, that will ensure that within an hour or two everyone has voted and the results are near perfect.
Of course, once you design a System, there are those whose work is to un-design the System. There are people like that and they work backwards. Once you have that we also think the same way. How do we work backwards, where can this be faulted? It can be faulted in many ways. The Service Companies if you are able to break-through the integrity of the System, you know, here and there; but I think we are going to think outside the norm.
The point I’m trying to make is we have to think outside the box. I want to commend the Federal Government, each time the Government talks about elections; it keeps on talking about credible elections with brilliant sound bite. But it must go beyond the sound bite and let’s not kid ourselves, by thinking that by putting a Jega there that all is well. With Jega there, all will be well if he is able to design along with his team a System that is virtually fool proof. In other words, he himself must understand the System of elections; he needs to know how it works and how it’s been holding…Where are we? We need to get out of these holes; we need to traverse the length and breadth of this country. We need to recruit an army of people may be five thousand in each State, two hundred young men and women who will reach our (people), give each of them a task to ensure that he registers at least a hundred person. That alone, will bring twenty million people into the fold. This is what they did in the Obama election.
Fortunately, I was monitoring the Obama election, whether you attain voting age or not, you are able to send text and move around and get people to vote. It’s one thing to register, some folk tell me, and ‘how can I go to line up for hours to vote for this person’. This is again what Pastor Bakare was talking about, if people are not excited about the candidates they will not come out. ‘Look at the four people running, they are all clowns. I’ m going to watch television; I’m not going to vote because either way a clown is going to win’.
So, we have to get involved in the process. We can’t all run for offices, we all can’t. …”

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INVESTIGATION

Investigation: Shadows of Neglect and Conflict Plague Federal Teaching Hospital Lokoja Amid Allegations of Overwork Exploitation and Ethical Breaches

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By Onoja Baba

In Lokoja,  Nigeria’s’ only confluence capital, where the Niger and Benue rivers merge, a different kind of convergence unfolds, one fraught with despair, exhaustion, and ethical quandaries at the Federal Teaching Hospital Lokoja, formerly known as the Federal Medical Centre Lokoja. This institution, mandated to deliver world class healthcare to Kogi State’s residents and beyond, stands accused of systemic failures that have claimed lives, shattered families, and eroded public trust.

SecretsReporters delved deep into a web of allegations spanning overwork of junior doctors, patient neglect, violent intrusions by political figures, and glaring conflicts of interest, where senior medical professionals allegedly divert resources and patients to their thriving private ventures. This exhaustive probe, drawing from eyewitness accounts, historical records, official statements, and exclusive interviews, uncovers a hospital teetering on the brink, where the pursuit of private gain clashes with public duty, potentially violating Nigeria’s medical ethics and public service codes.

The troubles at Federal Teaching Hospital Lokoja are not new. Tracing back to at least 2018, the facility of the Kogi State Specialist Hospital in Lokoja was plunged into mourning with the death of Doctor Chukwudibe Rosemary, the Head of Department of Internal Medicine, on a Monday that year. Reports from the time detailed how Doctor Rosemary succumbed, allegedly due to exhaustion, overwork, and the non-payment of salaries by the Kogi State Government since February of that year. Compounding the tragedy, another doctor, Idris Nuhu, along with three nurses and a ward attendant, reportedly collapsed under similar strains of relentless duty. The nurses had been on shift since the previous Saturday morning, their workloads exacerbated by a two month strike from the Joint Health Sector Union, which left fewer hands to manage an influx of patients. A hospital staffer, speaking anonymously, connected Doctor Rosemary’s demise to financial woes, recounting how she lamented her omission from the March salary schedule, forcing her to languish in penury, unable to afford her own medications. The informant alleged a dire lack of resources, including no oxygen spanner available to administer lifesaving oxygen and insufficient funds to conduct necessary tests. This whistle-blower urged the state government to prioritize civil servants welfare, highlighting how erratic traffic payment systems adopted by the administration had deepened the crisis.

Fast forward to January 2024, and the hospital became a battlefield when Suleiman Abubakar, the Majority Leader of the Kogi State House of Assembly representing Okene One constituency, allegedly mobilized hoodlums to assault medical staff following the death of his relative. Eyewitnesses described how Abubakar and his entourage broke through the hospitals gates on a Tuesday, unleashing chaos in the Accident and Emergency department. One doctor, recounting the ordeal on Wednesday morning, detailed how the lawmaker tore shirts and beat health workers on duty. The physician explained that their team was reviewing a new patient when the group demanded accountability for a lost patient, whom they later learned was under Abubakars care. Confused and uninvolved, the doctors faced violence, with Abubakar hurling his phone at one and attempting to tear clothing. The assailants destroyed property in the Accident and Emergency unit, assaulting nurses, doctors, and security personnel. The hospital’s Chief Security Officer intervened with a gun, but the mob wrestled it away, firing several shots during the struggle, forcing staff to hide and lock gates. Another doctor, identified as @k_f2d on X (formerly Twitter), confirmed the assault in a series of posts, noting she was directly attacked and a colleague suffered injuries requiring a chest X ray. The lawmaker and his men reportedly beat anyone intervening, including security, while vandalizing hospital assets. When contacted, Kogi State Police Public Relations Officer William Ovye Aya deferred comment, as he was at a recruitment venue, promising to respond later.

Public reactions to the incident poured in on social media and forums, revealing a polarized community. Facebook users reacted to the story with different narratives. Adamu George lamented the hospitals management lessons learned only when high profile cases arise, recalling his 2020 loss of a twenty three year old son due to absent doctors, beds, and attendants. Muazu Sadiq acknowledged potential uncaring behaviour by staff but condemned the lawmaker’s vigilante justice, urging redress through authorities.

In response to the allegations, Suleiman Abdulrazak, the majority leader, denied involvement in shooting or vandalism in a statement issued on January 26, 2024. He accused the hospital of negligence and lies, admitting he visited with two brothers and a colleague but framing the incident as a reaction to delays in treating his father in law, referred from Reference Hospital Okene. Abdulrazak claimed staff removed the oxygen mask without improvisation, leaving the patient unattended for three hours, leading to death. He noted two other negligence related deaths upon arrival, creating a rowdy environment with aggrieved relatives. The lawmaker described finding the Accident and Emergency department padlocked and encountering unresponsive doctors, whom he greeted and introduced himself to but received rude, nonchalant responses. He alleged a chaotic scene involving unidentified men in mufti, staff, and relatives, where one fired shots sporadically, prompting his colleagues security to disarm him. Abdulrazak categorically denied taking thugs, vandalizing facilities, or brutalizing staff, calling it a campaign of calumny. He criticized the hospitals focus on propaganda over quality care, petitioned authorities for investigation, and expressed confidence in justice. The Nigerian Medical Association demanded his arrest and prosecution, amplifying calls for accountability.

SecretsReporters’ own visit to Federal Teaching Hospital Lokoja underscored the dilapidated state. A patient needing dialysis, who walked in with our reporter, was swiftly redirected by three nurses at the Nurses’ Station, including one male and two females, to the Kogi State Specialist Hospital. The nurses openly admitted that many doctors at both facilities (Specialist and FTH) own and manage their private clinics or hospitals, exacerbating resource strains.

The nurses disclosed that the hospital lacked basic admission cards that day, attributed to a health workers strike, but SecretsReporters observed that the only visible development was a massive mosque construction nearly rivaling the administrative building in size. A resident of Lokoja, Ahammed Shaba, lamented this prioritization, questioning how religious structures eclipse medical needs in a facility grappling with inadequate infrastructure.

He said, ‘’I still struggle to understand where exactly we got it wrong, and how wrong we got it. Recently, I noticed a gigantic construction project ongoing at the Federal Medical Centre (FMC), Lokoja, Out of curiosity, I made inquiries and discovered that the structure is a mosque.

‘’This development, however, raises serious concerns. When completed, aside the administrative building, both the mosque and the church within the FMC premises will likely stand as the largest structures in the entire compound in a medical centre that is already grappling with inadequate medical facilities and infrastructure. What this clearly suggests is that Christians and Muslims appear to be competing over who owns the biggest religious structure, rather than prioritising the core purpose of the institution.

‘’More troubling is the placement, the mosque is located close to the main gate, while the church is situated around the residential/administrative area.

‘’This is a federal government establishment, meant to serve all Nigerians regardless of faith, yet religious identity seems to be taking centre stage over institutional functionality.’’

The Mosque under construction

A focal point of SecretsReporters’ uncovering is Adewale Arimiyau Abolore, head of the dialysis unit at the FTH, Lokoja, whose private A4 Consultant Clinic and Dialysis Centre thrives a stone throw away from the FTH. Just opposite the FTH. Incorporated on August 2, 2018, with registration number RC 2635840, its address is No. 6B, J.S.Q. Nigerian Inland Waterways Authority quarters, Lokoja. Abolore serves as proprietor, with activities in medical practice and consultancy. SecretsReporters observed that while the dialysis machine at FTH non-functional with patients being redirected, the A4 boomed with patients spilling outside to decongest interiors. This proximity raises concern and the operation of the A4 owner raises conflict of interest flags against public office holder codes. Even though the Medical and Dental Council of Nigeria’s Code of Medical Ethics, under Rule 49, restricts full time public consultants to one private clinic outside duty hours, mandating in hospital care only at the employing public facility, Rule 42 prohibits enticing patients from colleagues, emphasizing no professional dealings without notice to prior attendants. While the code spells no explicit distance, the Nigerian Constitutions Fifth Schedule Code of Conduct for Public Officers forbids full time officers from managing private businesses except farming to avert conflicts.

SecretsReporters learnt that the dialyses unit of the FTH Lokoja, headed by the owner of the A4 hospital, is one of the units left in terrible conditions.

In an exclusive interview with Doctor Omeiza David Sunday, President of the Association of Resident Doctors at Kogi State Specialist Hospital Lokoja, SecretsReporters conducted as part of probing dual practice, conflicts, self-referrals, neglect, and enforcement gaps, he provided insights from a general perspective. Denying widespread ownership, he noted barely a few doctors at Specialist own private hospitals, roughly one or two percent of total, and emphasized their near constant presence in public duties. He argued few patients in privates come from government referrals, less than zero point one percent, attributing preferences to privacy and accessibility. Overwork, he admitted, affects all due to doctor shortages, with thousands japaing abroad, leading to strikes and low pay

He clarified dual practice as owning versus part time work in privates for tokens outside hours, insisting no inherent conflict if duties are fulfilled. On negligence, he viewed it as universal, not public specific, often misconstrued by the public, like referrals for space shortages being labeled neglect. . ‘’Negligence isn’t just a public hospital concern; it can happened anywhere including private hospitals. It happened in developed Nations and that’s why litigation exists for damages. The Dr that took care of the late Michael Jackson wasn’t a Nigerian. The only misconception in the public most time is that what the masses referred to as negligence isn’t negligence in most case. A patient is referred for lack of space and he goes out there and call it negligence,’’ he said.

He rebuffed claims of most Specialist doctors owning privates as lies, noting none among his seven executives do. He said, ‘’If most Drs have private hospital, how come I don’t have? We are 7 as excos and none of us has private hospital.’’

Doctor Omeiza however mentioned that there is a required distance a private hospital must maintain from a public facility, though unable to recall it precisely, underscoring potential ethical lapses in such close setups.

Messages to former Nigerian Medical Association President Doctor Omede Idris went unanswered. Meanwhile, another NMA former president who reached out informed SecretsReporters that he would not like to speak on the matter. He however admitted that running a private clinic while serving as doctor with a government hospital is illegal for doctors under 10 years of practice.

This mosaic of incidents, conditions, and testimonies paints a hospital in crisis, where junior doctors allegedly endure extended duties beyond norms, fearing reprisals from superiors, a claim Doctor Omeiza contextualized as shared overwork.

FTH Lokoja’s history reveals a transformation fraught with challenges. Originally, the General Hospital Lokoja, built in 1954 by the former Kabba Provincial Government at the Nigerian Inland Waterways Authority headquarters in Adankolo, it relocated in 1958 to its current Government Reserved Area site, half a kilometer away. Upgraded to specialist status in 1984 under Kwara State with additions like four wards, a laboratory X ray building, store laundry complex, and mortuary, it became part of Kogi State in 1991. The Federal Medical Centre Lokoja emerged on November 9, 1999, via an agreement between the Federal Ministry of Health and Kogi State Ministry of Health, starting with eighty six personnel. The mandate emphasized skilled care in a friendly atmosphere sustained by research and training. Late Professor Momoh Anate, the first Medical Director appointed November 12, 1999, oversaw initial renovations, absorbing 252 staff from the old General Hospital in August 2000. Absorbing outdated infrastructure necessitated pulling down old roofs and rebuilding outpatient consulting, pharmacy, children ward, dental, accounts, audit, physiotherapy, casualty, and medical social welfare departments. Miss Thomas Itsemhe A. Val, the first youth corper in 2004, contributed by designing layouts, signposts, labels, wards, offices, and the centres flag.

Under Doctor Dada Gbadebo Eleshin, acting from November 9, 2007, and confirmed in May 2008, manpower shortages were addressed with small scale recruitment of medical officers, nurses, laboratory assistants, health attendants, records assistants, and electricians. Previously, one doctor covered the entire hospital on call and one nurse per ward on afternoons or nights. Locum staff and corps members bridged gaps until larger recruitments in 2010 and 2013.

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STRAY BULLET

Enough of the bullying of Immigration officers by Minister Olubunmi Tunji Ojo

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Tunde Olukoya

Hon. Olubunmi Tunji Ojo in a bid to convince gullible Nigerians that his much celebrated reforms in Nigeria Immigration Service embarked on an unscheduled working visit to the FCT Command Passport Office at Abuja where he was seen on video widely circulated on the social media emotionally abusing officers and men of the office. He was seen accusing them of tactically failing to attend to the Passport applicants under the guise of poor internet network services.

Hon Tunji Ojo since his assumption of office has been carrying out campaign of blackmail against the officers of Nigeria Immigration Service branding them rogues and criminals. The style of leadership and human resources management employed by the Hon Minister defies every known theory of motivation of the workforce.
The Minister conduct in the viral video is condemnable, lacks respect for uniform ethics, and national embarrassment. It is likened to a Pharasee who is removing dust in one’s eyes while carrying a log on his own eyes.

The Minister cannot claim ignorance of the fact that his reforms in NIS are not working. It is a known fact that the internet backbone being used by the Passport offices are sim-enable routers that are not up to 5G networks which connects the passport office to their remote servers at the production centres and which fluctuates whenever there are weather changes. Clusters of Passport offices (some cases 5 states) are connected to a production center and when there are power failure or network issues at the production center the entire passport offices in the five states will be shut down.
Will he Hon Minister also claim ignorance of the fact that the Immigration website recently encountered down time making it difficult for payments to be made during the day time except one wakes up late at night to do the payment?

Since taking up the production of Cerpac card has the Minister been able to produce cards for the expatriates? Is he Minister not aware of how difficult it is for Nigerians in diaspora to receive their passports which he is producing from Nigeria?
Is the Minister not aware of the difficulties encountered by foreigners applying for eVisa?

Is it also the fault of Immigration officers that his much advertised central Passport production has not kicked off? Is it the fault of the Immigration Officers that he has not been able to solve the problem of scarcity of passport booklets?

Can the Hon Minister be transparent enough to tell Nigerians how much the passport offices receives as subvention to run the office and how he finances the internet network services in all the passport offices?
Is the Minister not aware that his portals for various immigration services functions effectively only at nights?

Can he be transparent enough to tell Nigerians how effective is the passport delivery system? Can he be transparent enough to tell Nigerians who takes the extra charges of #4000 and #7000 in each passport and about $140 in Cerpac?

When Col Ahmed Ali rtd. took over Customs he didn’t reform Customs by bullying officers but rather he worked on the welfare of custom officers and got Government to adequately remunerate he customs officers providing logistics and infrastructural support to the customs officers and this gave rise to increase in revenue for customs. Can Tunji Ojo tell Nigerians how he provides uniform materials for the officers?

Can he tell Nigerians what support he has given to Immigration Officers who are being killed or injured in JTF operations in North East and other operations in other parts of the country? as well as at the various borders in the country? What was his effort in securing release of abducted officers of the Service in Benue and other states?

Apart from hijacking Immigration duties and giving to surrogate companies without adequate manpower what training program has he executed for the officers and men of the Service in the areas of ICT and effective management to boost the performance of officers?
I wish to call on Investigative Journalists to carry out an investigation on the reforms by Olubumi Tunji Ojo with a view to unraveling the truth or else he will run NIS to a halt.

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SCANDALS

Hypocrisy Unmasked: Public Complaints Commission’s Management Share Millions Of Public Funds To Staff as Pocket Money

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Secrets Reporters


The very institution tasked with upholding accountability and transparency, the Public Complaints Commission (PCC) – Nigeria’s own Ombudsman – finds itself under an uncomfortable spotlight as an audit report, obtained by SecretsReporters, reveals a worrying pattern of irregular expenditure.
The report highlights reimbursements for out-of-pocket expenses totaling a staggering ₦9,969,920.00, paid to staff without due approvals, casting a long shadow over an agency meant to champion integrity.


The audit’s findings lay bare a system seemingly oblivious to the established financial regulations. Paragraph 2302 of the Financial Regulations (FR), 2009, serves as the bedrock for prudent financial management, stipulating that all local purchases or indents must be authorized by the officer controlling expenditure and signed by them. However, the PCC, an agency dedicated to investigating public grievances against government bodies and private institutions, appears to have fallen short of these very standards.


According to the comprehensive audit, the sum of Nine million, nine hundred and sixty-nine thousand, nine hundred and twenty naira (₦9,969,920.00) was disbursed as reimbursement for out-of-pocket expenses to its staff. What raises a red flag is the glaring omission of crucial documentation: there was no evidence of a need assessment report for most of these items being out of stock or in the store, nor was there any sign of approval to incur these expenses on behalf of the Public Complaints Commission.


These anomalies, the report unequivocally states, can be attributed to “weaknesses in the internal control system at the Public Complaints Commission, Abuja.” The risks stemming from such lax controls are far-reaching and gravely concerning: a potential “diversion of public funds,” the specter of “payment for goods not delivered and services not rendered,” and ultimately, the “misappropriation of funds.”


In a move that could be seen as a turning a blind eye to the grave allegations, the PCC management offered “No response” to the audit’s findings. This silence, the auditors emphasized, leaves the findings valid and standing firm “until the Management implements the recommendations.”
To pull the agency back from the brink, the audit has laid out clear and stringent recommendations for the Chief Commissioner. He is now formally requested to account to the Public Accounts Committees of the National Assembly for the sum of ₦9,962,920.32, which was specifically identified as paid to officers “without approvals.”


Furthermore, the report demands the urgent recovery and remittance of this exact sum to the Treasury, with undeniable evidence of this transaction to be forwarded to the Public Accounts Committees.
Failure to comply, the audit warns, should trigger appropriate sanctions relating to poor management of cash and irregular or wrong payment, as stipulated in paragraphs 3115 and 3106 of the Financial Regulations, 2009.

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