STRAY BULLET
On Agflation and Stagflation in Nigeria: Analysis and Answers
Food inflation shot up for the seventh successive month to 23.34% in September 2022 from 23.12% in August 2022. This is when food price levels in both months are compared with the prices in their corresponding months last year 2021.
At periods when food prices manifest not just as seasonal fluctuations due to planting and harvest times, but as more of structured price movements, as this, it is usually termed agflation, for its tendency to sway the direction of the headline inflation.
Top of this, since 2016, Nigeria has been battling with a vicious mix of high inflation, high unemployment, and slow economic growth, termed stagflation, a state of economic stagnation and high inflation.
The World Bank warned in June that, “if current stagflationary pressures intensify, EMDEs (Emerging and Developing Economies, like Nigeria) would likely face severe challenges again because of their less well-anchored inflation expectations, elevated financial vulnerabilities, and weakening growth fundamentals.”
Going by the strong pull of food prices on soaring inflation in Nigeria, solving stagflation would involve solving agflation.
For instance, a steepy climb in food prices pulled up the headline inflation (inflation on all items put together, food and non-food) from 17.6% to 20.77% this September.
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The September shift of 23.34% in food price levels is the highest since the 24.6% figure in October 2005, 17 years ago.
The National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) highlighted likely factors responsible for these successive sharp increases in the annual inflation rate to include:
- Disruption in the supply of food products.
These disruptions are heightened by unprcedented floods across many states of the federation, which have destroyed farmlands, displaced rural farmers, and destroyed farm produce and food assets.
- Increase in import costs due to the persistent currency depreciation.
This impacts the costs of food imports and other non-food imports.
- General increase in the cost of production.
The above factors contribute to higher costs of transporting farm produce, greater volume of perished farm produce and scarcity at destination food markets.
Besides, increased costs of production result from higher cost of inputs in both agro-allied industries and hospitality businesses.
Beside households, hospitality and produce-dependent industries witnessed rising cost of staples including bread and cereals, potatoes, yam, and other tubers, oils and fats.
Analysing Agflation
Over time across the world, inflation has taken a meaning more serious than pumping air into a low-pressure soccer ball.
Today people readily see inflation as the rate of increase in the prices of products even when the products’ value remains the same or has even reduced.
For Nigeria, inflation rate has been on an upward trend since 2007.
Since 2005, the lowest annual inflation rates, at every second successive annual decline have been on the rise. The lowest rates rose from 5.4% in 2007 to 8.1% in 2014, and further to 11.4% in 2019.
Same with the highest inflation rates, at least at every second successive annual rise. The highest rates rose from 13.7% in 2010 to 16.5% in 2017, and further up to 17% in 2021.
Interestingly, agflation and stagflation rhyme and relate to inflation in its economic sense. But, beyond that, the morphology of the two words has less in common.
Agflation morphs up from agric + inflation, indicating inflation in the prices of agricultural products.
Generally, food and energy prices tend towards more rapid increases or decreases than other items. However, in Nigeria, energy prices have been relatively stable (compared to food prices) due to price controls on fuels, making food inflation the most prominent.
True to this pattern, in the last 20 years, food inflation in Nigeria showed a higher range (highest minus lowest value) of 42.2% above non-food inflation range of 41.6%.
Furthermore, the minimum (headline) inflation rate within the period was 3%, and the maximum was 28.2%, with a range of 25.2%.
While food inflation had the minimum value of -3.7%, core inflation had the highest value of 41.2%.
Yet, food inflation was highest in the last 20 years with an average of 13.3%. Core (non-food) inflation was 11.8%. Both made up to an average inflation rate of 12.5% within the period.
Of the 237 months reviewed, food inflation exceeded core inflation for 163 months.
More recently, food inflation exceeded core inflation non-stop in the last 68 successive months (February 2017 to September 2022).

Such systemic and ravaging agflation comes with attendant food scarcity, hunger, and nutritional deficiencies. This affects the poor the most, widens the poverty, and comes with attendant rise in crime.
Thus the next government at the federal and the state levels in 2023 ought to find answers for agflation, where previous governments and the incumbent have shown profound cluelessness in tackling the food price problem.
Answering Agflation
There are several playbook scenarios to tackle agflation, globally and countrywise. But then, there are circumstances peculiar to the Nigerian situation.
First, the NBS reported that, “On a monthly basis, food prices went up by 1.43%, slowing from a 1.98% rise in the previous month.
However, the NBS attributes the decline in food prices over the past two months (on a month-on-month basis) to a marked reduction in prices of some items like tubers, palm oil, maize, beans, and vegetables amid the ongoing harvest season.
Thus, the first answer to Agflation is to increase agricultural production. But, to increase farm output under the present circumstances, the government needs to sustain and encourage more rural-agricultural unemployment.
This requires the government to address the prolonged security for crop farmers and their farmlands, as well as secure livestock farmers from rustlers. Widely reported attacks of herdsmen, bandits and other terrorist groups on rural farmers and to the destruction of crops by their herds.
Where farms are secure, time-honoured practices for boosting production could create excess food supply that counterbalances the demand shortages, and force food prices down. In this regard, the World Economic Forum suggests 8 best practices for African countries:
1. Develop high-yield crops
Increased research into plant breeding, which takes into account the unique soil types of Africa, is a major requirement. A dollar invested in such research by the CGIAR consortium of agricultural research centres is estimated to yield six dollars in benefits.
2. Boost irrigation
With the growing effects of climate change on weather patterns, more irrigation will be needed. Average yields in irrigated farms are 90% higher than those of nearby rain-fed farms.
3. Increase the use of fertilizers
As soil fertility deteriorates, fertilizer use must increase. Governments need to ensure the right type of fertilizers are available at the right price, and at the right times. Fertilizer education lessens the environmental impact and an analysis of such training programs in East Africa found they boosted average incomes by 61%.
4. Improve market access, regulations, and governance
Improving rural infrastructure such as roads is crucial to raising productivity through reductions in shipping costs and the loss of perishable produce. Meanwhile, providing better incentives to farmers, including reductions in food subsidies, could raise agricultural output by nearly 5%.
5. Make better use of information technology
Information technology can support better crop, fertilizer and pesticide selection. It also improves land and water management, provides access to weather information, and connects farmers to sources of credit. Simply giving farmers information about crop prices in different markets has increased their bargaining power. Esoko, a provider of a mobile crop information services, estimates they can boost incomes by 10-30%.
6. Adopt genetically modified (GM) crops
The adoption of GM crops in Africa remains limited. Resistance from overseas customers, particularly in Europe, has been a hindrance. But with Africa’s rapid population growth, high-yield GM crops that are resistant to weather shocks provide an opportunity for Africa to address food insecurity. An analysis of more than one hundred studies found that GM crops reduced pesticide use by 37%, increased yields by 22%, and farmer profits by 68%.
7. Reform land ownership with productivity and inclusiveness in mind
Africa has the highest area of arable uncultivated land in the world (202 million hectares) yet most farms occupy less than 2 hectares. This results from poor land governance and ownership. Land reform has had mixed results on the African continent but changes that clearly define property rights, ensure the security of land tenure, and enable land to be used as collateral will be necessary if many African nations are to realise potential productivity gains.
8. Step up integration into Agricultural Value Chains (AVCs)
Driven partly by the growth of international supermarket chains, African economies have progressively diversified from traditional cash crops into fruits, vegetables, fish, and flowers. However, lack of access to finance and poor infrastructure have slowed progress. Government support, crucial to coordinate the integration of smallholder farmers into larger cooperatives and groups, may be needed in other areas that aid integration with wider markets.
These measures would boost local production, achieve significant import substitution, reduce food scarcity, and demand-pull and cost-push food inflation.
Analysing Stagflation
Unlike agflation, stagflation does not readily mean stag + inflation, which would have meant inflation in the price of every stag in the wild.
Instead, stagflation means stagnation + inflation. It indicates slow economic growth and high unemployment combined with rising prices and a decline in the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) of a country or state.
Between 1998 and 2015, Inflation and GDP growth fluctuated while Unemployment declined gradually from 4% in 1998 to 3.7% in 2013, and then rising to 4.3% in 2015.
However, since 2016, a totally different pattern unravelled as the unemployment rate began to rise consistently.
The rising unemployment rate coincided with rising inflation and the lowest growth rate. This led to the recession in 2016 and was compounded by the Covid 19 pandemic in 2020.
Despite the slow economic growth within this period, the country had always bounced back from its worst outings.
Nigeria’s 2017 Stagflation Mix
The outset of stagflation in Nigeria in 2017 could be traced to rising food inflation, declining agric GDP growth rate, and rising rural/agricultural unemployment.
- First, since February 2017, food inflation (agflation) has been the leading cause of inflation in the country.
- Secondly, sequel to the 2017 decline, successive annual growth in Nigeria’s Agric sector have been the lowest in the last 10 years (2012-2021).
Besides, natural causes such as drought, unpredictable rainfall, and recently, floods, have reduced farm output considerably. This has led to renewed fears of food insecurity in the country.
- Thirdly, since the fourth quarter of 2017 (2017 Q4), unemployment in rural areas began to exceed urban unemployment for an unprecedented 6 successive quarters.

Coincidentally, the last 5 years witnessed the height of attacks on farmers by Islamist groups, bandits and armed herdsmen, the same period rural unemployment rose.
This explains the decline in agric output growth as most of the fleeing and displaced farmers live in the rural areas.
- Also, it was in 2017 Q4 that the general unemployment level (along with rural unemployment) rose beyond the urban unemployment rate for an unprecedented 6 successive quarters, save 2018 Q3.

So, in Nigeria, stagflation is fuelled by agflation. Agflation is fuelled by declining growth in the quantity of farm outputs. And low farm output is caused by forced unemployment of fleeing and displaced rural farmers.
Economists think that stagnation and inflation ought to be mutually exclusive and so consider stagflation as a terribly bad economic situation for a country.
Answering Stagflation
Stagflation is currently a global issue, as countries trying to steady their economies after the economic turbulence during the pandemic now face renewed food and fuel import supply bottlenecks due to various sanctions agreements against Russian exports, due to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.
Nigeria, like many other low middle income and heavily indebted countries, finds itself in a precarious situation.
While more stable economies roll out expansionary fiscal policies such as tax cuts, subsidies, and transfers, Nigeria is forced to increase taxes and cut subsidies to shore up revenues and service debts.
Nigeria could employ agile fiscal strategies tailored to “individual country circumstances”, as given by the IMF.
The following suggestions have been selected and adapted for Nigeria:
- In the economies hardest hit by the war in Ukraine and sanctions on Russia, fiscal policy needs to respond to the humanitarian crisis and economic disruptions.
Nigeria faces scarcity on several food imports from Russia and Ukraine. This led to unmet demand and higher prices of food imports such as Wheat.
The IMF suggests that, “given rising inflation and interest rates, fiscal support should be targeted to those most affected and priority areas.
- In nations where growth is stronger and inflation pressures remain elevated, fiscal policy should continue its shift from support to normalization.
This is where discretion on tax increases and subsidy matters. For Nigeria, subsidy on petrol has been a useless drain of revenue, and subsidy regimes and transfers in the country are fraught with corruption that robs the targeted low income earners to enrich the rich and powerful.
- In many emerging markets and low-income economies facing tight financing conditions or the risk of debt distress, governments will need to prioritize spending and raise revenues to reduce vulnerabilities.
To raise revenue (for priortised spendings), only taxes that target the rich could be raised. Tope Fasua suggests mansion taxes, property taxes, luxury taxes, capital gains taxes, and other progressive taxes aimed at high income earners.
- Commodity exporters that benefit from higher prices should seize the opportunity to rebuild buffers.
Also, it was observed that fluctuating inflation rates across the years from 1998 did not impact economic growth significantly, until the outset of scary unemployment levels in 2016. Thus, Nigeria’s answer for stagflation is to solve unemployment.
Furthermore, “Nigeria’s 2017 stagflation mix” shows that solving stagflation in Nigeria begins with solving rural unemployment.
Source: Dataphyte.
INVESTIGATION
Investigation: Shadows of Neglect and Conflict Plague Federal Teaching Hospital Lokoja Amid Allegations of Overwork Exploitation and Ethical Breaches
By Onoja Baba
In Lokoja, Nigeria’s’ only confluence capital, where the Niger and Benue rivers merge, a different kind of convergence unfolds, one fraught with despair, exhaustion, and ethical quandaries at the Federal Teaching Hospital Lokoja, formerly known as the Federal Medical Centre Lokoja. This institution, mandated to deliver world class healthcare to Kogi State’s residents and beyond, stands accused of systemic failures that have claimed lives, shattered families, and eroded public trust.
SecretsReporters delved deep into a web of allegations spanning overwork of junior doctors, patient neglect, violent intrusions by political figures, and glaring conflicts of interest, where senior medical professionals allegedly divert resources and patients to their thriving private ventures. This exhaustive probe, drawing from eyewitness accounts, historical records, official statements, and exclusive interviews, uncovers a hospital teetering on the brink, where the pursuit of private gain clashes with public duty, potentially violating Nigeria’s medical ethics and public service codes.
The troubles at Federal Teaching Hospital Lokoja are not new. Tracing back to at least 2018, the facility of the Kogi State Specialist Hospital in Lokoja was plunged into mourning with the death of Doctor Chukwudibe Rosemary, the Head of Department of Internal Medicine, on a Monday that year. Reports from the time detailed how Doctor Rosemary succumbed, allegedly due to exhaustion, overwork, and the non-payment of salaries by the Kogi State Government since February of that year. Compounding the tragedy, another doctor, Idris Nuhu, along with three nurses and a ward attendant, reportedly collapsed under similar strains of relentless duty. The nurses had been on shift since the previous Saturday morning, their workloads exacerbated by a two month strike from the Joint Health Sector Union, which left fewer hands to manage an influx of patients. A hospital staffer, speaking anonymously, connected Doctor Rosemary’s demise to financial woes, recounting how she lamented her omission from the March salary schedule, forcing her to languish in penury, unable to afford her own medications. The informant alleged a dire lack of resources, including no oxygen spanner available to administer lifesaving oxygen and insufficient funds to conduct necessary tests. This whistle-blower urged the state government to prioritize civil servants welfare, highlighting how erratic traffic payment systems adopted by the administration had deepened the crisis.
Fast forward to January 2024, and the hospital became a battlefield when Suleiman Abubakar, the Majority Leader of the Kogi State House of Assembly representing Okene One constituency, allegedly mobilized hoodlums to assault medical staff following the death of his relative. Eyewitnesses described how Abubakar and his entourage broke through the hospitals gates on a Tuesday, unleashing chaos in the Accident and Emergency department. One doctor, recounting the ordeal on Wednesday morning, detailed how the lawmaker tore shirts and beat health workers on duty. The physician explained that their team was reviewing a new patient when the group demanded accountability for a lost patient, whom they later learned was under Abubakars care. Confused and uninvolved, the doctors faced violence, with Abubakar hurling his phone at one and attempting to tear clothing. The assailants destroyed property in the Accident and Emergency unit, assaulting nurses, doctors, and security personnel. The hospital’s Chief Security Officer intervened with a gun, but the mob wrestled it away, firing several shots during the struggle, forcing staff to hide and lock gates. Another doctor, identified as @k_f2d on X (formerly Twitter), confirmed the assault in a series of posts, noting she was directly attacked and a colleague suffered injuries requiring a chest X ray. The lawmaker and his men reportedly beat anyone intervening, including security, while vandalizing hospital assets. When contacted, Kogi State Police Public Relations Officer William Ovye Aya deferred comment, as he was at a recruitment venue, promising to respond later.
Public reactions to the incident poured in on social media and forums, revealing a polarized community. Facebook users reacted to the story with different narratives. Adamu George lamented the hospitals management lessons learned only when high profile cases arise, recalling his 2020 loss of a twenty three year old son due to absent doctors, beds, and attendants. Muazu Sadiq acknowledged potential uncaring behaviour by staff but condemned the lawmaker’s vigilante justice, urging redress through authorities.

In response to the allegations, Suleiman Abdulrazak, the majority leader, denied involvement in shooting or vandalism in a statement issued on January 26, 2024. He accused the hospital of negligence and lies, admitting he visited with two brothers and a colleague but framing the incident as a reaction to delays in treating his father in law, referred from Reference Hospital Okene. Abdulrazak claimed staff removed the oxygen mask without improvisation, leaving the patient unattended for three hours, leading to death. He noted two other negligence related deaths upon arrival, creating a rowdy environment with aggrieved relatives. The lawmaker described finding the Accident and Emergency department padlocked and encountering unresponsive doctors, whom he greeted and introduced himself to but received rude, nonchalant responses. He alleged a chaotic scene involving unidentified men in mufti, staff, and relatives, where one fired shots sporadically, prompting his colleagues security to disarm him. Abdulrazak categorically denied taking thugs, vandalizing facilities, or brutalizing staff, calling it a campaign of calumny. He criticized the hospitals focus on propaganda over quality care, petitioned authorities for investigation, and expressed confidence in justice. The Nigerian Medical Association demanded his arrest and prosecution, amplifying calls for accountability.
SecretsReporters’ own visit to Federal Teaching Hospital Lokoja underscored the dilapidated state. A patient needing dialysis, who walked in with our reporter, was swiftly redirected by three nurses at the Nurses’ Station, including one male and two females, to the Kogi State Specialist Hospital. The nurses openly admitted that many doctors at both facilities (Specialist and FTH) own and manage their private clinics or hospitals, exacerbating resource strains.

The nurses disclosed that the hospital lacked basic admission cards that day, attributed to a health workers strike, but SecretsReporters observed that the only visible development was a massive mosque construction nearly rivaling the administrative building in size. A resident of Lokoja, Ahammed Shaba, lamented this prioritization, questioning how religious structures eclipse medical needs in a facility grappling with inadequate infrastructure.
He said, ‘’I still struggle to understand where exactly we got it wrong, and how wrong we got it. Recently, I noticed a gigantic construction project ongoing at the Federal Medical Centre (FMC), Lokoja, Out of curiosity, I made inquiries and discovered that the structure is a mosque.
‘’This development, however, raises serious concerns. When completed, aside the administrative building, both the mosque and the church within the FMC premises will likely stand as the largest structures in the entire compound in a medical centre that is already grappling with inadequate medical facilities and infrastructure. What this clearly suggests is that Christians and Muslims appear to be competing over who owns the biggest religious structure, rather than prioritising the core purpose of the institution.
‘’More troubling is the placement, the mosque is located close to the main gate, while the church is situated around the residential/administrative area.
‘’This is a federal government establishment, meant to serve all Nigerians regardless of faith, yet religious identity seems to be taking centre stage over institutional functionality.’’

The Mosque under construction
A focal point of SecretsReporters’ uncovering is Adewale Arimiyau Abolore, head of the dialysis unit at the FTH, Lokoja, whose private A4 Consultant Clinic and Dialysis Centre thrives a stone throw away from the FTH. Just opposite the FTH. Incorporated on August 2, 2018, with registration number RC 2635840, its address is No. 6B, J.S.Q. Nigerian Inland Waterways Authority quarters, Lokoja. Abolore serves as proprietor, with activities in medical practice and consultancy. SecretsReporters observed that while the dialysis machine at FTH non-functional with patients being redirected, the A4 boomed with patients spilling outside to decongest interiors. This proximity raises concern and the operation of the A4 owner raises conflict of interest flags against public office holder codes. Even though the Medical and Dental Council of Nigeria’s Code of Medical Ethics, under Rule 49, restricts full time public consultants to one private clinic outside duty hours, mandating in hospital care only at the employing public facility, Rule 42 prohibits enticing patients from colleagues, emphasizing no professional dealings without notice to prior attendants. While the code spells no explicit distance, the Nigerian Constitutions Fifth Schedule Code of Conduct for Public Officers forbids full time officers from managing private businesses except farming to avert conflicts.
SecretsReporters learnt that the dialyses unit of the FTH Lokoja, headed by the owner of the A4 hospital, is one of the units left in terrible conditions.

In an exclusive interview with Doctor Omeiza David Sunday, President of the Association of Resident Doctors at Kogi State Specialist Hospital Lokoja, SecretsReporters conducted as part of probing dual practice, conflicts, self-referrals, neglect, and enforcement gaps, he provided insights from a general perspective. Denying widespread ownership, he noted barely a few doctors at Specialist own private hospitals, roughly one or two percent of total, and emphasized their near constant presence in public duties. He argued few patients in privates come from government referrals, less than zero point one percent, attributing preferences to privacy and accessibility. Overwork, he admitted, affects all due to doctor shortages, with thousands japaing abroad, leading to strikes and low pay
He clarified dual practice as owning versus part time work in privates for tokens outside hours, insisting no inherent conflict if duties are fulfilled. On negligence, he viewed it as universal, not public specific, often misconstrued by the public, like referrals for space shortages being labeled neglect. . ‘’Negligence isn’t just a public hospital concern; it can happened anywhere including private hospitals. It happened in developed Nations and that’s why litigation exists for damages. The Dr that took care of the late Michael Jackson wasn’t a Nigerian. The only misconception in the public most time is that what the masses referred to as negligence isn’t negligence in most case. A patient is referred for lack of space and he goes out there and call it negligence,’’ he said.
He rebuffed claims of most Specialist doctors owning privates as lies, noting none among his seven executives do. He said, ‘’If most Drs have private hospital, how come I don’t have? We are 7 as excos and none of us has private hospital.’’
Doctor Omeiza however mentioned that there is a required distance a private hospital must maintain from a public facility, though unable to recall it precisely, underscoring potential ethical lapses in such close setups.
Messages to former Nigerian Medical Association President Doctor Omede Idris went unanswered. Meanwhile, another NMA former president who reached out informed SecretsReporters that he would not like to speak on the matter. He however admitted that running a private clinic while serving as doctor with a government hospital is illegal for doctors under 10 years of practice.
This mosaic of incidents, conditions, and testimonies paints a hospital in crisis, where junior doctors allegedly endure extended duties beyond norms, fearing reprisals from superiors, a claim Doctor Omeiza contextualized as shared overwork.
FTH Lokoja’s history reveals a transformation fraught with challenges. Originally, the General Hospital Lokoja, built in 1954 by the former Kabba Provincial Government at the Nigerian Inland Waterways Authority headquarters in Adankolo, it relocated in 1958 to its current Government Reserved Area site, half a kilometer away. Upgraded to specialist status in 1984 under Kwara State with additions like four wards, a laboratory X ray building, store laundry complex, and mortuary, it became part of Kogi State in 1991. The Federal Medical Centre Lokoja emerged on November 9, 1999, via an agreement between the Federal Ministry of Health and Kogi State Ministry of Health, starting with eighty six personnel. The mandate emphasized skilled care in a friendly atmosphere sustained by research and training. Late Professor Momoh Anate, the first Medical Director appointed November 12, 1999, oversaw initial renovations, absorbing 252 staff from the old General Hospital in August 2000. Absorbing outdated infrastructure necessitated pulling down old roofs and rebuilding outpatient consulting, pharmacy, children ward, dental, accounts, audit, physiotherapy, casualty, and medical social welfare departments. Miss Thomas Itsemhe A. Val, the first youth corper in 2004, contributed by designing layouts, signposts, labels, wards, offices, and the centres flag.
Under Doctor Dada Gbadebo Eleshin, acting from November 9, 2007, and confirmed in May 2008, manpower shortages were addressed with small scale recruitment of medical officers, nurses, laboratory assistants, health attendants, records assistants, and electricians. Previously, one doctor covered the entire hospital on call and one nurse per ward on afternoons or nights. Locum staff and corps members bridged gaps until larger recruitments in 2010 and 2013.
STRAY BULLET
Enough of the bullying of Immigration officers by Minister Olubunmi Tunji Ojo
Tunde Olukoya
Hon. Olubunmi Tunji Ojo in a bid to convince gullible Nigerians that his much celebrated reforms in Nigeria Immigration Service embarked on an unscheduled working visit to the FCT Command Passport Office at Abuja where he was seen on video widely circulated on the social media emotionally abusing officers and men of the office. He was seen accusing them of tactically failing to attend to the Passport applicants under the guise of poor internet network services.
Hon Tunji Ojo since his assumption of office has been carrying out campaign of blackmail against the officers of Nigeria Immigration Service branding them rogues and criminals. The style of leadership and human resources management employed by the Hon Minister defies every known theory of motivation of the workforce.
The Minister conduct in the viral video is condemnable, lacks respect for uniform ethics, and national embarrassment. It is likened to a Pharasee who is removing dust in one’s eyes while carrying a log on his own eyes.
The Minister cannot claim ignorance of the fact that his reforms in NIS are not working. It is a known fact that the internet backbone being used by the Passport offices are sim-enable routers that are not up to 5G networks which connects the passport office to their remote servers at the production centres and which fluctuates whenever there are weather changes. Clusters of Passport offices (some cases 5 states) are connected to a production center and when there are power failure or network issues at the production center the entire passport offices in the five states will be shut down.
Will he Hon Minister also claim ignorance of the fact that the Immigration website recently encountered down time making it difficult for payments to be made during the day time except one wakes up late at night to do the payment?
Since taking up the production of Cerpac card has the Minister been able to produce cards for the expatriates? Is he Minister not aware of how difficult it is for Nigerians in diaspora to receive their passports which he is producing from Nigeria?
Is the Minister not aware of the difficulties encountered by foreigners applying for eVisa?
Is it also the fault of Immigration officers that his much advertised central Passport production has not kicked off? Is it the fault of the Immigration Officers that he has not been able to solve the problem of scarcity of passport booklets?
Can the Hon Minister be transparent enough to tell Nigerians how much the passport offices receives as subvention to run the office and how he finances the internet network services in all the passport offices?
Is the Minister not aware that his portals for various immigration services functions effectively only at nights?
Can he be transparent enough to tell Nigerians how effective is the passport delivery system? Can he be transparent enough to tell Nigerians who takes the extra charges of #4000 and #7000 in each passport and about $140 in Cerpac?
When Col Ahmed Ali rtd. took over Customs he didn’t reform Customs by bullying officers but rather he worked on the welfare of custom officers and got Government to adequately remunerate he customs officers providing logistics and infrastructural support to the customs officers and this gave rise to increase in revenue for customs. Can Tunji Ojo tell Nigerians how he provides uniform materials for the officers?
Can he tell Nigerians what support he has given to Immigration Officers who are being killed or injured in JTF operations in North East and other operations in other parts of the country? as well as at the various borders in the country? What was his effort in securing release of abducted officers of the Service in Benue and other states?
Apart from hijacking Immigration duties and giving to surrogate companies without adequate manpower what training program has he executed for the officers and men of the Service in the areas of ICT and effective management to boost the performance of officers?
I wish to call on Investigative Journalists to carry out an investigation on the reforms by Olubumi Tunji Ojo with a view to unraveling the truth or else he will run NIS to a halt.
SCANDALS
Hypocrisy Unmasked: Public Complaints Commission’s Management Share Millions Of Public Funds To Staff as Pocket Money
Secrets Reporters
The very institution tasked with upholding accountability and transparency, the Public Complaints Commission (PCC) – Nigeria’s own Ombudsman – finds itself under an uncomfortable spotlight as an audit report, obtained by SecretsReporters, reveals a worrying pattern of irregular expenditure.
The report highlights reimbursements for out-of-pocket expenses totaling a staggering ₦9,969,920.00, paid to staff without due approvals, casting a long shadow over an agency meant to champion integrity.
The audit’s findings lay bare a system seemingly oblivious to the established financial regulations. Paragraph 2302 of the Financial Regulations (FR), 2009, serves as the bedrock for prudent financial management, stipulating that all local purchases or indents must be authorized by the officer controlling expenditure and signed by them. However, the PCC, an agency dedicated to investigating public grievances against government bodies and private institutions, appears to have fallen short of these very standards.
According to the comprehensive audit, the sum of Nine million, nine hundred and sixty-nine thousand, nine hundred and twenty naira (₦9,969,920.00) was disbursed as reimbursement for out-of-pocket expenses to its staff. What raises a red flag is the glaring omission of crucial documentation: there was no evidence of a need assessment report for most of these items being out of stock or in the store, nor was there any sign of approval to incur these expenses on behalf of the Public Complaints Commission.
These anomalies, the report unequivocally states, can be attributed to “weaknesses in the internal control system at the Public Complaints Commission, Abuja.” The risks stemming from such lax controls are far-reaching and gravely concerning: a potential “diversion of public funds,” the specter of “payment for goods not delivered and services not rendered,” and ultimately, the “misappropriation of funds.”
In a move that could be seen as a turning a blind eye to the grave allegations, the PCC management offered “No response” to the audit’s findings. This silence, the auditors emphasized, leaves the findings valid and standing firm “until the Management implements the recommendations.”
To pull the agency back from the brink, the audit has laid out clear and stringent recommendations for the Chief Commissioner. He is now formally requested to account to the Public Accounts Committees of the National Assembly for the sum of ₦9,962,920.32, which was specifically identified as paid to officers “without approvals.”
Furthermore, the report demands the urgent recovery and remittance of this exact sum to the Treasury, with undeniable evidence of this transaction to be forwarded to the Public Accounts Committees.
Failure to comply, the audit warns, should trigger appropriate sanctions relating to poor management of cash and irregular or wrong payment, as stipulated in paragraphs 3115 and 3106 of the Financial Regulations, 2009.
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